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Behindwoods gave the film 2.25 out of 5 and concluded, "See it for Anushka and a few good moments".[26] Indiaglitz gave 2.75 out of 5 saying, "After watching 'Inji Idupazhagi', you will leave the movie hall with a smile and satisfaction."[27] Baradwaj Rangan of the Hindu called it "Lots of minuses in this story of a plus-sized woman" in his review and criticized the film's dubbing.[28]




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The paper presents two studies using judgment data to test whether only cluster size matters at the stem level or whether the segmental make-up of the cluster is also relevant, as reported for word and phrase levels. The two studies focus on the behavior of schwa-zero alternations at the boundary between stems and derivational suffixes (stem-level phonology) and at the boundary between stems and inflectional suffixes (word-level phonology). Each study controls for different effects that could influence schwa-zero alternations beyond the properties of consonant clusters. Study 1 controls for dialectal effects, comparing data from a variety that is more prone to delete schwa (Swiss French) and a variety that is less prone to delete schwa (French from France). Study 2 controls for the effect of stem length, comparing schwa realization in monosyllabic stems and in disyllabic stems. The data and code are available on OSF ( ).


Table 2 shows how a grammar with the properties in (7b) can in principle derive the type of probability distribution hypothesized in (7a) for schwa-zero alternations. Each of the four relevant morphophonological contexts are shown in the first column. The second column shows the schwa and schwa-less variants for each context. Columns 3 to 6 show how each variant is evaluated by the four constraints in the analysis (1 indicates that the candidate in the corresponding row violates the constraint in the corresponding column). In addition to the three constraints in (7b), a faithfulness constraint Dep(ə) penalizing the epenthesis of schwa was added. This analysis assumes that the schwa-less variant is the underlying form and the schwa variant is derived through epenthesis. This is the classic analysis of French schwa at morpheme boundaries (Dell 1985).2 To materialize the relative importance of constraints, weights (w) are used. The constraint weights in Table 2 were chosen for illustration purposes only. The harmony of a candidate (column 7) corresponds to the weighted sum of its constraint violations, as in Harmonic Grammar (Smolensky & Legendre 2006). Probabilities (last column) are calculated from those harmonies using the MaxEnt framework (Goldwater & Johnson 2003; Hayes & Wilson 2008).


The results also replicate some earlier findings about schwa-zero alternations. In particular, obstruent-liquid-consonant clusters were found to be more strongly avoided than liquid-obstruent-liquid clusters, in line with findings that French follows the sonority sequencing principle. Schwa was found to be more likely to break a three-consonant cluster than a two-consonant cluster, in line with earlier findings that cluster size matters in schwa-zero alternations. Schwa was found to be more likely to be pronounced in monosyllabic stems than in disyllabic stems, in line with previous findings on clash avoidance in French. Schwa variants of words were found to be generally more acceptable by French speakers from France than from Switzerland, in line with earlier findings on the difference between the two varieties. Finally, schwa was generally found to be more likely to be pronounced in derived words (at the stem level) than in inflected words (at the word level), in line with the hypothesis that lower morphosyntactic domains favor schwa presence. This result is particularly interesting because it means that there are genuine morphosyntactic effects on schwa-zero alternations below the word level and therefore that asymmetries among domains cannot be all reduced to prosodic effects. One exception to the generalization that derivation favors schwa presence more than inflection was the case of C_C sequences at the stem-suffix boundary, where the opposite effect was observed (schwa was more likely in inflected than in derived words). This unexpected effect was hypothesized to be due to the greater morphological decomposability of inflected words, with derived words with simple consonant clusters at the stem-suffix boundary being more likely to be reanalyzed as monomorphemic than inflected words. This hypothesis should be explored further in future work.


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Feedback control for segmentation stabilization. A A few frames of a movie showing a hand taking a red apple from a plate are shown together with the results of the core algorithm without and with feedback control (upper, middle, and lower panel, respectively). B The segment size is plotted as a function of the frame number for the segments representing the red apple and the orange without and with feedback control, depicted as red, blue, brown and green lines, respectively. At frame number 45 the segment sizes of the red apple and the orange drop unexpectedly to zero (red and blue lines), and the feedback control is activated, increasing the temperature T until the original segments are recovered (brown and green lines).


The work of the feedback controller is further illustrated in Figure 6B, where the segment size is plotted as a function of the frame number for the segments representing the red apple and the orange without and with feedback control, depicted as red, blue, brown and green lines, respectively. At frame number 45 the segment sizes of the red apple and the orange drop unexpectedly to zero (red and blue lines), thus indicating a segmentation instability (see Section 2.2). As a consequence, the feedback controller is activated and the temperature of the core algorithm is increased until the original segments are recovered (brown and green lines). The results for the whole movie are shown in Figure 7A.


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